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The New Yorker‘s humor is often lost on me, but this fake report on the sequester’s impact on the Pentagon is pretty funny.  I particularly enjoyed the shot at Lindsey Graham – and you will too if you’ve ever seen him on the Sunday morning talk shows and in other media appearances.  However, the “nine-thousand dollar pen” comment feeds a very misleading argument that has been widespread since the 1980′s (remember the $600 toilet seat charge that turned out to be not nearly as good an example of military waste, fraud, or abuse as it seeemed to many at the time).  Nonetheless, enjoy:

WASHINGTON (The Borowitz Report)—The spending cuts mandated by the  sequester may hamper the United States’s ability to invade countries for  absolutely no reason, a Pentagon spokesman warned today.

The Pentagon made this gloomy assessment amid widespread fears that the  nation’s ability to wage totally optional wars based on bogus pretexts may be in  peril.

“Historically, the United States has stood ready and able to throw billions  of dollars at a military campaign with no clear rationale or well-defined  objective,” said spokesman Harland Dorrinson. “Our capacity to wage war  willy-nilly is now in jeopardy.”

In the past, Mr. Dorrinson said, the Pentagon has had the resources to fight three meaningless and completely random wars at any given time, “but now in our  planning meetings we are cutting that number back to two.”

Sen. Lindsey Graham (R—S.C.) agreed about the catastrophic effects of the  Pentagon cuts, telling reporters, “The ability of the United States to project its military power in an arbitrary and totally capricious way must never be  compromised.”

The cuts are already being felt in a tangible way at the Pentagon, which  today cancelled an order for a nine-thousand-dollar pen.

 

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Who says it’s cloudy?

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Christmas Day, 2012, Sundance, Utah

This is the time of year I like to ski a lot. The other morning I got in an hour at the beginning of the day before heading to work (for those of you who do not live 15 minutes from the ski lift, I truly pity you!).  The whether was largely clear and sunny, but at the top of the lift there was a small cloud bank so thick that I had to inch my way down the hill because I had virtually zero visibility.

On other days, I have headed to the ski hill in cloudy, stormy conditions and have found the visibility good and the skiing conditions wonderful, even as heavy snow falls around me.

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Same day, same time, same spot

My point is that  one has to actually be on the hill and inside the clouds to know how much they matter.

This morning I heard on NPR the latest in a stream of stories on the resignation of Pope Benedict XVI.  In this story and in many others, there are references by so-called objective journalists about how Benedict is leaving the papacy in a moment when a “dark cloud is hanging over the church,” mostly because of the well-reported scandals involving sexual abuse by priests and the church’s failure to deal appropriately with this abuse. I am getting really sick of hearing about the cloud hanging over the church.

Like most people, I view those scandals with disgust.  Yet I’m hesitant, as an outsider, to say whether the “hanging cloud” metaphor is a good one.  And I find the media’s preoccupation with those scandals as reflecting more on the media than they do upon the church.  What does the largely secular, largely non-Catholic media know about whether faithful Catholics feel that a cloud is hanging over their church?  And, more to the point, what kind of objective evidence can they cite to make such a claim.  In general, what the media refers to as “news analysis” consists mostly of self-important journalists unloading their biases upon us.

There is no doubt that Catholics world-wide have been affected by reports of longstanding sexual abuse of children in some quarters of the catholic priesthood. I am sure that most Catholics feel great sorrow at those events, and a sizable number, to be sure, would like to see more done to punish wrongdoers, to have offending priests removed from their assignments, and to have more accountability from the church hierarchy.  But the inability of the media to cover practically any story on the church without focusing on the abuse scandals as the defining characteristic of the church denies the rich and varied religious lives of millions of Catholics world-wide.  For these people, their faith touches every aspect of their lives and is not defined by the terrible behavior of a few priests.   People like Maureen Dowd, who has long been a self-anointed pope unto herself, do not represent Catholics generally, and certainly not the subset of faithful Catholics who love their church and their pope–those represented by the thousands who flocked to here Benedict’s final papal message and to express their love for him.

So, to those journalists who are covering the church, I have a simple message: talk about clouds you know something about, not ones you can only see from a far-away weather satellite.

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Via my friend Chris Preble (or as I now warmly refer to him, #82) of the Cato Institute and Pileus guest blogger:

Cato Infographic

 

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I want to thank Professor Aeon Skoble for joining us for a guest stint here at Pileus.  It was a pleasure to read his contributions, and I trust our readers appreciated his thoughtful posts.

I’d also like to plug Aeon’s recent piece at the Freeman laying out his three deserted island books.  Here they are:

John Tomasi – Free Market Fairness

Thucydides – History of the Peloponnesian War

Martha Nussbaum – Creating Capabilities: The Human Development Approach

I would have never guessed he would pick these three.  Interesting.  I really ought to read his book Deleting the State: An Argument About Government.

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Carla Gericke, President of the Free State Project, wants to ”trigger the move.”  According to the Manchester Union-Leader:

Based on the current recruiting rate, Gericke said, the pledge total would hit 20,000 in 2018, triggering the large-scale move to New Hampshire. Under that scenario, the goal would be to have all pledgers relocate by 2023.

However, Gericke said she does not want to wait until she is 51 years old to trigger the move.

“I want to do it in the next two years,” she said, explaining the only way to accelerate the move is to begin major fundraising efforts and secure sponsors to help raise about $270,000 – a figure she believes could make the move feasible.

“The most valuable thing you can do is move, and you won’t regret it,” she told those in attendance for the opening ceremony of the New Hampshire Liberty Forum on Friday at the Crowne Plaza. ” … We are building the beacon of liberty for the rest of the world to emulate.”

I’m not a member (because I can’t absolutely commit to moving according to the pledge and I take my word very seriously) but I wish the FSP well and hope that more and more people will move to New Hampshire to realize “liberty in our lifetime.”

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The Center for European Studies at the University of Texas, Austin is hosting a symposium entitled, “Secession Redux: Lessons for the EU” tomorrow (Friday). It will be held all day at the LBJ School, Sid Richardson Hall, Room 3.122. It is open to the public. The schedule is here. I will be speaking on “Secessionism in the New Europe” on a panel dedicated to “Current European Challenges.”

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Zingales on Keynesianism

Ran across this witty quotation below while reading a chapter in Peter Boettke’s Living Economics.  Here is a link for the original source of the quotation, a debate in the Economist between Luigi Zingles and Brad DeLong.  Zingales:

Keynesianism has conquered the hearts and minds of politicians and ordinary people alike because it provides a theoretical justification for irresponsible behaviour. Medical science has established that one or two glasses of wine per day are good for your long-term health, but no doctor would recommend a recovering alcoholic to follow this prescription. Unfortunately, Keynesian economists do exactly this. They tell politicians, who are addicted to spending our money, that government expenditures are good. And they tell consumers, who are affected by severe spending problems, that consuming is good, while saving is bad. In medicine, such behaviour would get you expelled from the medical profession; in economics, it gives you a job in Washington.

Milton Friedman argued that there was no such thing as Austrian economics or Chicago economics, just good economics.  Does Zingales’ argument suggest that good economics don’t really matter – at least in the short to medium term – to policymakers since they are going to choose the arguments that suit their political needs as long as they can get away with it?  If so, does that mean that fellow Chicagoan George Stigler is right that economists have very little real impact on policy or at least that Keynes isn’t fully correct that “even the most practical man of affairs is usually in the thrall of the ideas of some long-dead economist”?  If Zingales is right, Keynes seems to give too much credit to economists (and philosophers in other Keynes statements) since Zingales posits that political needs drive the selection of the economic ideas used in policy wars.  In that situation, it is hard to imagine that in such instances the ideas have a lot of independent effect but rather serve as props that buttress positions that will be argued regardless.

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One of the best things about freedom from government interference is that it allows you to define and pursue (and if you are lucky, fulfill) your life project as you see fit.  Governments that do more than simply protect “the law of equal freedom” impose barriers to that project pursuit and essentially disrespect individual moral dignity.  Instead of respect, they impose the will of the many, the few, or even an individual (“l’etat c’est moi” and modern variants) on other individuals using the coercive power of the state.  So in that case an individual is prevented or hindered from pursuing his/her life project or worse – having to pursue the life project of others against his/her will (see the Pyramids and so many other monuments to the state).

Of course, libertarianism as a political theory doesn’t tell us much at all about the projects one ought to pursue (other than that projects involving coercion are verboten [for more on this, see here and here]).  But it does tell us that living this dream is perfectly acceptable – though not something I’d want in my basement:

HT: NRO.

 

 

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New Data on Old Posts

We here at Pileus have written a fair amount on both the future of higher education (for example, see here, here, here, and here) and ObamaCare.  A few interesting recent pieces dealing with both are worthy of attention:

1.  The number of problems – predictable and otherwise – with ObamaCare continue to mount.  Here we get word that Universal Orlando is going to drop its health insurance coverage for part-time employees.  Other companies are doing so as well.  I’d like to think that the architects of the plan were ignorant rather than evil – but that is hard to sustain.  Instead, it seems like this is a backdoor to more and more dependency on government and ultimately a single-payer system.  I was convinced at the time that ObamaCare passed through the legislature that it was a trojan horse but my more liberal friends thought I was being paranoid.  Then again, they always do (thanks Dick Hofstadter).

And earlier in the week we saw this interesting graphic on French employment that suggests that ObamaCare will also cause employers to avoid hiring that 50th worker.  File it under institutions matter.

France-employment-graph2

2.  We also saw this week that there might be some trouble with MOOCs (HT: KPC).  I guess we don’t need to send Michael Sandel our resumes for low paying “grader” jobs just yet.

Pileus friend Damon Linker has been less pessimistic than some of our bloggers about the future of higher education.  Here he comments on one of Marc’s pieces.  Damon followed our discussion at Pileus with this piece for The Week (though I wish he had given Jason and Marc some quotation/citation love in his article even though he disagrees with them).  A snippet:

In the coming years, high-cost/low-status schools will undoubtedly have a hard time, and some will surely go under. But nowhere close to half of traditional brick-and-mortar colleges will be driven out of business by MOOCs. Elites and aspiring elites at home and abroad will continue to pay a premium for a traditional education (and credential) from American universities. Meanwhile, schools that jump on the digital bandwagon and begin offering second-tier online degrees to those who could otherwise never attend an American college in person will contribute in a potentially revolutionary way to the dissemination of knowledge around the globe. They will also succeed in further enhancing their own status while tapping a potentially massive new revenue stream. (Small fees multiplied by millions add up fast.)

Creative? Absolutely. Destruction? Not so much.

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In response to yesterday’s post, one regular Pileus readers (Shaun ) responded:

All the more reason for news outlets to be strengthening their investigative wings, as oppossed to slashing them.

It is good to see that the media is thinking along the same lines. As Glenn Greenwald (the Guardian) notes, MSNBC has recently hired two new people to shore up its team: Former White House press secretary Robert Gibbs and former White House senior advisor David Axelrod. As Greenwald notes:

Impressively, David Axelrod left the White House and actually managed to find the only place on earth arguably more devoted to Barack Obama. Finally, American citizens will now be able to hear what journalism has for too long so vindictively denied them: a vibrant debate between Gibbs and Axelrod on how great Obama really is.

The same problems can be found at Fox, as many readers will correctly note. Greenwald’s piece clearly recognizes this.

MSNBC is far from aberrational. The overriding attribute defining the relationship of the US media to those in power is servitude

Bottom line for Greenwald:

But whatever one wants to call this, “journalism” is the wrong label. Even ideologically-friendly media outlets which claim that mantle should be devoted to accountability and treating those who wield power adversarially, not flattering the preexisting beliefs of their audience and relentlessly glorifying political leaders. Presidents have actual press secretaries and Party spokespeople for that.

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A choice not an echo:

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How about this addition to the State of the Union?:

“The unnamed woman in Loganville, Georgia who fought off an intruder with a .38 deserves a vote.”

Here is the SOTU speech.

 

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Inspired by Marc’s post, I would like to reprint a State of the Union address—really an inauguration speech—that Frédéric Bastiat offers in his 1850 Economic Harmonies:

“You have invested me with the power of authority. I shall use it only in cases where the intervention of force is permissible. But there is only one such case, and that is for the cause of justice. I shall require every man to remain within the limits set by his rights. Every one of you may work in freedom by day and sleep in peace at night. I  take upon myself the safety of your persons and property. That is my mandate; I shall fulfill it; but I accept no other. Let there be no misunderstanding between us. Henceforth you will pay only the slight assessment indispensable for the maintenance of order and the enforcement of justice. But also, please note, each one of you is responsible to himself for his own subsistence and advancement. Turn your eyes toward me no longer. Do not ask me to give you wealth, work, credit, education, religion, morality. Do not forget that the motive power by which you advance is within yourselves; that I myself can act only through the instrumentality of force. All that I have, absolutely all, comes from you; consequently, I cannot grant the slightest advantage to one except at the expense of others. Cultivate your fields, then, manufacture and export your products, conduct your business affairs, make your credit arrangements, give and receive your services freely, educate your children, find them a calling, cultivate the arts, improve your minds, refine your sentiments, strengthen your bonds with one another, establish industrial or charitable associations, unite your efforts for your individual good as well as for the general good; follow your inclinations, fulfill your individual destinies according to your endowments, your values, your foresight. Expect from me only two things: freedom and security, and know that you cannot ask for a third without losing these two.”

[H/T Nikolai Wenzel.]

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For those of us who live north of New York City, the blizzard was the dominant feature of the past few days (and will likely be the dominant feature for the next week). During the weekend, I had the opportunity to reflect on the blizzard (there is a lot of time to think when you are moving several tons of snow by hand). A few of my reflections follow:

  1. Sometimes a storm is as big as predicted.  Residents of the east coast are used to the high drama that precedes storms of any magnitude: teams of L.L. Bean-clad weather reporters breathlessly reporting on what is to come, lines at gas stations, and a run on bread and milk (note: having grown up in Wisconsin, I think this may be region-specific).  But even if you grow to distrust the forecasters, sometimes they get it right.  We might be better off if Nate Silver turned his skills to forecasting the weather.
  2.  Nothing gives you a sense of your own mortality like shoveling for 5 or 6 hours straight. I often enjoy shoveling after a storm.  I take pride in the rapid restoration of order. After my dear wife posted a picture of me shoveling on Facebook, one of my good friends on our street replied: “Oh, the Germans on the street are washing their clean linen in public again. The Irish meanwhile are praying for the sun to come out and melt the snow for them.” Given the way I felt the day after my shoveling, I am beginning to think the Irish are on to something.
  3. One is easily tempted to shirk one’s responsibilities when shirking is the modal category. As I cut through the four-foot snow banks to clear my sidewalk, I did so with the knowledge (gained through past experience) that most of my neighbors would not bother to do the same. Yes, I take pride in the restoration of order, but there are limits to what one man can do. In this case, the sidewalk began and ended in four-foot walls of snow at my lot line. As hard as I worked, one could not enjoy the fruits of my labor unless one walked up my driveway and was content walking back and forth in front of my house. The knowledge that others will shirk their responsibilities can have a corrosive effect, particularly when the work gets hard.
  4. The state is particularly prominent when least needed. The night before the storm, there was a seemingly endless parade of snowplows driving down my street, lights flashing, sand spraying, overtime accumulating. After the storm, those same snowplows seemed to disappear. By Sunday afternoon, while entire neighborhoods waited for their first post-storm encounter with a snowplow, most business parking lots were already cleared and ready for sweet commerce.
  5. Today’s kids seem to be lacking the entrepreneurial spirit. When I was a teenager, a snowstorm was followed by bands of adolescent boys with shovels looking to make a buck. We would go door to door and make some serious money (or what appeared to be serious money at the time…we charged $10 or $20 for a driveway). Those of us who had other employment (I was a paper boy) had a ready clientele, and there was no difficulty in assembling a team of boys hoping to make some money. This weekend, the streets were eerily silent as the adults waited helplessly for the snow removal specialists to arrive. Unemployment may be high among the young, but apparently not high enough to lead them to search out temporary employment opportunities in the wake of a snow storm.

Final reflection: maybe it is time to get a snow blower.

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Click here for Part 1.

What I think I know about human sexuality is this: it is complex, powerful, beautiful, mysterious, pleasurable, intertwined with a variety of biological, mental, and emotional processes, and deeply imbedded in countless ways into our society and culture.  Two implications (among many) of this characterization are:

  1. Sexuality is a social concern with high ethical relevance
  2. It is virtually impossible to develop simple rules governing sexuality, (even though virtually all societies attempt to govern it in some fashion.)

I’ll get to the second implication in a bit, but let me say at the outset that no set of ethical rules or laws are going to extract sexuality from public life. Nor would it be desirable to do so, since that would be dehumanizing and oppressive, in addition to nonsensical.

The first implication isn’t easy to grapple with, either, though there are a range of issues that do not seem that challenging to me.  Few argue that children should not be protected from sexual contact with adults and from all forms of sexual abuse and exploitation.  And most support the idea that children should be protected from sexually explicit materials (images, videos, etc.), though, sadly, our laws often do little to see that that happens, especially in cyberspace.

Of course children have to go about their lives interacting with each other and with adults and with members of the opposite sex.  Little boys and girls are attracted to each other, and they go through a sexual development process that begins soon after conception.  As a parent, I want my children to develop healthy attitudes about sexuality, to be well-informed, to respect themselves and others in the way they act, speak, and dress, and to establish permanent, monogamous relationships that will bless their lives forever.  Those are big goals.  I would like others to respect those goals, as I respect the goals that they have.

Many commentators (conservative, liberal, feminist, etc.) have decried the increasing sexualization of children in society.  Children are bombarded with sexuality in popular culture to an extent that is often unhealthy.  For example, eating disorders and other psychological problems often arise from girls (and increasingly boys) developing poor body image fueled by media images that are both unrealistic and hyper-sexualized. Many have noted the negative impacts of this on children, and parents of all political stripes try to shield their young children from a popular culture that is increasingly sexualized.  The more this happens, what was once indecent becomes commonplace, and then the margins are pushed again.  Dance and music and art have always had a sexual element because sexuality is an important part of human existence.  But now our culture is dripping with overt and often explicit sexuality.  The margins to push are fewer and fewer, and it is harder and harder for families to find safe space where they can be entertained without being inundated with sexual stimuli and sexual messages.  This is not a good thing.

This culture is particularly damaging in some parts of our society.  I’m thinking particularly of girls in poor, minority communities.  These girls, a few of whom I’ve known well, live in a world with little beauty, with a constant threat of violence, with little ability to hold on to their personal belongs.  Furthermore, it is a world where girls face intense, incessant pressure to be sexually active and to service the sexual urges of boys and men.  The astronomical teen pregnancy rates in those communities are hardly surprising given the pressures these girls face.

Performances like Beyonce’s at the Super Bowl are shameful if for no other reason than the perverse, destructive message she is sending to young African-American girls.  Here we have a talented, beautiful black woman with enormous potential who chooses to drench her performance in overt sexuality.  Why?  Is she saying that is what a black woman should do to make a mark, to achieve success?  What are young girls watching her learning about what it takes to be successful in America?  (Moreover, what message are the boys learning?  Her lips might be saying, “put a ring on it!” but what is her body saying?)  Imagine, in contrast, what the effect might be if she chose a different route, say a performance (with her all-woman band) with more modest clothing, without the sexual gyrations, but still lots of good music and dynamic dancing.  What would girls learn from such a performance?  Beyonce would still be attractive and entertaining, but the message would be entirely different.

So, I don’t find it very controversial that a society would want to carve out safe spaces for children.  But I think we are rapidly losing ground in this regard, as every aspect of our culture becomes more and more sexualized.  We have to realize that children are among us and try to behave accordingly.  Most communities create zones for “adult” entertainment  and TV stations typically broadcast mature content at later hours and have warnings attached to them.  These kind of actions are appropriate. We could, however, do a lot more in terms of creating more safety in the internet without placing undue burdens on adults who are seeking sexually explicit content.  But, more than anything, we need a more robust public ethic geared towards protection of children (in the area of sexuality and many others).

But children should not be our only concern.  Many adults also want safe spaces where they are generally free from unwanted sexual provocation as well (though, as I said, no space with people in it is going to be free from some aspect of sexuality).  The libertarian ethic is that we do what we want as long as our actions don’t harm others.  To apply this in practice requires some agreement on what is meant by “harm” and in some cases our right to a particular actions (some types of speech, for instance) exists even if others are harmed.

There are clearly individual notions of harm that we would not respect.  If someone is bothered by my red car because they are offended for some strange reason by red cars, tough!  I’m still going to drive it.  But I think there are common-sense norms governing sexuality that most people know intuitively (at least until their sense of decency becomes so dulled by sexual overload that they can’t tell the difference).  These norms are, to be sure, culturally dependent and contextually dependent.  A swimsuit is perfectly appropriate on the beach but not in the office staff meeting.  But these contextual dependencies are not an argument against having ethical norms, just that they have to be nuanced and (because of the inherent complexity) will always be contestable at the margins.

Consider my shock machine (from Part 1).  It is relevant here not because it causes some objective measure of physical harm.  The “shock” could be simply an odor that some people find unpleasant.  The point of that example is that, in the public space, people should have the right to move around without being confronted by unexpected nuisances that they would rather avoid.  The “walk around it if you don’t like it” argument is analagous to the “look away if you don’t like it” argument, and both are insufficient.   Clearly, I should set up my shock machine in places where it isn’t a nuisance.

Dress and public comportment are naturally very different from the shock machine in some important ways.  For starters, we all have to go about our daily business, and we need to respect that people have different standards and values.  Both men and women deserve the right to be comfortable in their daily routines.  Yet most people easily recognize when someone is being sexually provocative.  We might not be able to define it very well, but we “know it when we see it.”  The law may allow (indeed, should allow) broad latitude in what is publicly acceptable, but legality does not imply decency or appropriateness.

In the workplace, there is a body of sexual harassment law that protects people from unwanted, unwelcome sexual advances and from sexually-related conduct that creates a hostile work environment.  Harassment can exist even if no physical contact is made and no violence occurs or any kind of threats are made.   I am not going to comment, nor could I, on that whole body of law and what parts of it make sense.  But the ethical norm I am talking about is not conceptually dissimilar to the ethical norms against sexual harassment that under gird that law.  Sexually provocative dress and behavior that is contextually inappropriate are types of harassment. We could even think of them as exhibitionism (affronting people with that which they do not want to see).  People have a moral right to be free from harassment and exhibitionism. I am NOT making a legal claim here based on current law, nor am I proposing laws, but conceptually the comparisons are entirely appropriate.

As a libertarian, I’m highly averse to state regulation of people’s behavior, whether private or public.  That aversion extends to this arena as well.  The state should be very cautious sticking its nose into such matters.  But there will be inevitably some legal norms regarding sexuality.  Somewhere between Taliban-style requirements for women to wear burqas and performing explicit sex acts in the middle of the town square is a line that the law has to draw.  I would draw that legal line in a way that gives individuals a lot of latitude—indeed, far more latitude than I would be comfortable with on a personal or ethical level.  This is not where we want to insert a lot of state power, even if a majority of the community are behind it.  Current law may be entirely sufficient.

But this does not mean libertarians should ignore the ethical concern.  We should stand up for public decency.  We should assert that a legal right to behave in a sexually provocative way in the public sphere that makes some adults uncomfortable and can be harmful to children does not imply a moral right to do so.  What I’m asking for is simply human decency and consideration, a regard for others rather than self-indulgence.

Before our public standards of decency go completely down the tubes, a little more prudishness is definitely in order!  Those who do shameful things ought to feel some shame.  Ultimately, being libertarians means we want to respect private spaces and to act respectfully and carefully of others’ rights in public spaces.  We should be leading on this issue.

[Let me add that even though I sharply disagree with many (all?) of the commentators on Part 1, I appreciate their engagement.  They helped me clarify my thinking.  I probably need a lot more clarification (hey, like I said, it's a complex issue!)  Should people like to comment further, I'm hoping we can go in a different direction from the "Sven wants to empower the modesty police, put women in burqas, and blame women for the illicit thoughts and actions that are really the responsibility of men."  Hopefully Part 2 resolves some of those issues.  Maybe not.]

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I’ve been thinking about my colleague Grover Cleveland’s short post on Beyonce’s wardrobe (or, rather, lack thereof) at the Super Bowl.  He started about by saying, “I don’t think I’m a prude, but…”  Having known the real Grover for many years, I can attest he is very good man, but not much of a prude.

But I am definitely a prude.  At least if the belief that most aspects of sexuality, including sexually provocative dress and appearance, should be kept out of the public sphere at the same time they are protected from interference in the private sphere makes one a prude, then I am a prude.  And proud of it.  And, if you are a libertarian, then you should be a prude, too.

There are many types of libertarians, and I’m not interested today in arguing about who gets to wear what labels, though words and labels are very important.  But almost all libertarians hold to the axiom that people have the right to do what they want to as long as it does not negatively affect other people.  Negotiating rules for appropriate behavior in the public sphere is always hard because people with different values are constantly bumping into each other, either literally, virtually, or metaphorically.  One justification for a state is as a means to enforce regulations on those public behaviors that can negatively affect others.

Some people argue that how one dresses is a personal matter and should not be subject to public regulation.  But this view is, at best, a naïve and inconsiderate self-indulgence.  Imagine you teach in the academy and a student comes to your class dressed in a revealing or otherwise provocative outfit.  She (although the same rules apply to males, let’s stick with the modal case here) may claim she is just being comfortable or expressing her personality or something equally as silly.  But odds are that she is fully aware that such dress provokes deeply ingrained biological and culturally-conditioned responses among almost all the men in the room. Indeed, it is very likely her intent to provoke those responses.  She has probably learned what most women are aware of: being sexually enticing brings them significant power over men.  So, in short, this coed is purposefully using her sexuality to have a significant, uninvited affect on men and to gain power and influence over them.  Can you see where I’m headed?

Now, most college boys in America would respond with some version of “Bring it on, baby!”  But not all of them.  And let’s not forget that the other females in the room may not appreciate the distraction, either. Furthermore, the professor’s academic objectives for the class are likely being undermined as the attention of much of the class is being drawn away from the academic subject under study.  And, as they mature and have families, a non-trivial proportion of those college boys will grow up into men who do not welcome similar provocations in their lives, their places of work, or in their homes.  Some of this may be due to religious or moral values, some may find such dress as demeaning to women, including their wives and daughters, and some may simply view such public enticements as an unwelcome intrusion on marital fidelity.  On a personal note, as an ordinary man I am influenced by the same sexual enticements as others.  But my goal is to celebrate such enticements within the privacy of my marriage, rather than being influenced by others.  We are, indeed, harmed when others force those enticements on us in the public sphere.

The typical response by those who resent exhortations to public modesty is to say, “If you don’t like it, you can just look away.”  Let’s look at this claim.  Suppose I went to the middle of the public square and set up a machine that gave a small shock to everyone who walked within 50 feet of it.  The shock is irritating to many people, but it doesn’t damage anyone’s health, isn’t extremely painful, and, indeed, some people sort of like it.  Would I be able to say, “If you don’t like my shock machine, you can just walk around it?”  Would I really have the right to infringe on the public space in such away?   Do we not have the right to conduct ordinary public acts without being assaulted by unwelcome and unsolicited shocks, especially if we are not given adequate warning that we are about to be shocked or if the shock machine is set up in a place where we would not expect it? Does someone’s supposed right to shock and offend outweigh my rights to use the public space without being assaulted?

The idea that someone has a right to insert herself or himself in the middle of the public square and engage in some sexually provocative behavior is equally as absurd as my shock machine would be.  But that is where we are. The really sad part of Beyonce’s Super Bowl strip show (thank heavens for DVRs and fast-forwarding) was not that it represents a “new low” in public indecency.  The sad part is that it was so commonplace, unsurprising and so widely cheered.  Before the unraveling of public decency wrought by the sexual revolution, we wouldn’t even be having this conversation, since her performance would not have been acceptable in any public venue outside a strip club.  But our social norms have become so degraded that many people do not give it a second thought and even promote it.

Those who champion freedom should also champion the right to be free from sexual provocation in our public spaces.  I’m not arguing that we must all dress in public like characters from Downton Abbey—wait, that would actually be really cool!—but it is a shame that so many libertarians have stood with the amoral left as standards of public decency have eroded to their current state, rather with those whose legitimate rights are being infringed.

My argument thus far has not invoked the rights of children and our obligations to protect them.  That (and more) is coming in Part 2!

* Addendum: I previously used the phrase “sexual assault” in the last paragraph, which I have changed to “sexual provocation.”  What I’m talking about can be thought of as a type of assault (I’m not making a legal argument here), but the term “sexual assault” immediately rings bells in people’s heads that I had no intention of ringing.  Most important, I don’t want to be insensitive to the victims of sexual abuse.

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Happy trails

I’d like to thank Grover Cleveland again for inviting me to guest-blog this past week (well, baker’s week I guess). Bye folks!

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One of the regular Pileus bloggers asked me to elaborate on a claim I made briefly in my earlier discussion of BHL. I had said “there is an intra-libertarian debate [that it is useful to have about philosophical justification: is a system of individual rights ultimately justified because it accrues the best results for the poor, or is it justified for some other reason(s), and has the beneficial characteristic of accruing the best results for the poor?” and suggested I thought it was the latter. The idea that the social order can only be justified if it brings about the best results for the worst off, which is a prominent feature of Rawlsian welfare-state liberalism, has been employed as a rationale for classical-liberal non-redistributionist policies. I certanily like the irony that the chief heuristic of redistributionist theory undermines redistributionist institutions. And, as I said in the orginal post, I appreciate the positive outreach effects of noting that free market policies help everyone prosper, especially the poor. But I am hesitant to agree that the Rawslian principle is why we should have free markets. For one thing, I think we should have free markets for the same reason I think we should be free generally. I do not differentiate “civil liberty” and “economic liberty.” The latter is simply the manifestation-in-transactions of the former. Without the freedom to transact, my “freedom to choose” is pretty superficial. Rawls himself argues that we must have a system of equal freedom to choose and believe and think and speak – rights that cannot be trumped by social utility. It is only trading and acquiring rights that he says can be interfered with. But as Nozick demonstrated, you cannot interfere with transactional freedom without simultaneously interfering with freedom of choice. There are not two kinds of liberty, civil and economic, there’s just liberty (although there are of course different contexts in which we talk about liberty). And I think liberty is a necessary component of human flourishing. Humans cannot achieve virtue and happiness by coercion. “Rights” should be understood as a way to secure the possibility of self-directed activity in the social setting. The social order is thus justified if it is one which protects individual rights, and unjustified otherwise. That is the why of classical liberalism. The fact that classical liberalism and free markets help the poor better than redistributive statism is a great thing, both intrinsically and in terms of explaining its virtues to others. But the justification must be something else, something universal. Put it another way: if everyone were wealthy, would individual rights no longer be important? Of course not.

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Elsewhere

Have you ever driven a group of teenagers somewhere and wondered why they weren’t talking to each other?  After a brief moment you then realize that they all have a cell phone in their laps, which they are engrossed in.  This is what I call an “elsewhere moment,” an occasion where we discover that those who are with us are not really with us.  They are elsewhere.

Technology brings us both closer together and further apart.  I can quickly get updates on what my “friends” are up to while I am sitting alone in front of my computer or somewhere else by myself.  I can find out what people I knew many years ago are doing and thinking in real time.  Yet, at the same time, I usually don’t know what my kids are thinking about, as I watch their intent faces lit up by the lights of their cell phones.  I worry what this hyper-connected, elsewhere generation will be like.

As someone who scores something like a 110 on the scale for introversion, being able to personally distance myself from and gain control over communication has huge psychological advantages.  Email is a lifesaver in this regard.  With email, I can communicate with people on my own terms, on my own schedule, at my own pace.  I’m not someone who thinks with my mouth open, which is disconcerting to people (such as my lovely, extroverted spouse), who are made nervous or frustrated by my pauses or delayed responses.  A few weeks ago a colleague in psychology asked me in the elevator if I was OK.  He was worried that my glazed over stare might be a seizure.

For me, cell phones are blessing and a curse.  I can communicate easily with my family, as when I just texted my teenage daughter that we wouldn’t be able to go skiing this afternoon (bummer!).  This type of communication is highly effective and efficient.  Yet I enjoy my cell phone the most when I don’t know where it is.  I have always hated phones, and the cell phone just expounds the torture by having the phone actually follow me around.   I like a world where I am accessible but not immediately reachable, except when I want to be (and except by said lovely spouse and family, of course).  Periodically the dean’s office sends instructions that they want faculty cell phone numbers.  Yeah, right, like I’m going to give the dean’s office my cell phone number!

Our elsewhere world makes new, strange things possible.  A couple of years ago I a wrote and published a paper with three scholars from another university.  The strange part is that I have never, to this day, spoken with two of those co-authors, including the leader author (who I think is a woman, but I’m not actually sure).  This is sort of cool, but sort of creepy, too.  Somewhat ironically the study was about the positive effects of marriage on cancer survival—in other words the positive health effects of real, human relationships on our well-being.  People are sharing more private information with more people than ever before, yet many normal aspects of human activity are being sucked into cyberspace with real human connection stripped out.  My kids can spend hours on their cell phones, but they rarely talk on them.

Our new world continually blurs the distinction between public and private.  People are sharing very private things with wide numbers of people, and public events are more and more often experienced privately.  These trends began with telephones, radio, and television, but have now escalated to a new level.  People are about as likely to produce and distribute a photo or video as they are to receive them.  Much good has come from this (like this blog, for instance!), but we have also sullied and cheapened public discourse, as so much of public communication happens in real time, without reflection, editing or consideration.  And, more seriously, we have democratized the production of indecency.  It used to be that those seeking obscene materials had to hunt them down.  Now we have to build barriers to protect ourselves and our families from the onslaught of filth the world is constantly dumping on us.  This comes not only from the commercial slime producers but increasingly from “normal” people over phones and other devices.

Recently, we had the national fixation with Manti Te’o, the Notre Dame football star who was mourning the death of his girlfriend.  Turns out he never had a girlfriend, and it seems quite plausible that he never knew this.  Perhaps he was complicit in all of this to gain publicity, but it seems more likely that he really was duped.  The strange thing is that given the elsewhere world in which we live, it isn’t that hard to believe.  I’ve known kids whose number of Facebook friends numbers over a 1,000.  Certainly, many of these people are casual acquaintances at best, and many times people’s only real connection has been a friend of a friend coming through on social media or through a text.  From what I’ve heard, social media sites, chat rooms, and dating services are filled with people who are much different than they say they are.  Our natural inclinations towards trust are being exploited and manipulated.  People develop strong connections that turn out not to be connections at all.

In an elsewhere world, imaginary girlfriends are not that strange.  Certainly no more strange than prominent Congressmen sexting indecent images of themselves to women they barely know.  People now communicate with others who are both anywhere and nowhere,

My sense is that our technologies will not conquer us.  Our primal human urges for real connections and real relationships will continue, even as the boundaries between the cyber world and the real world continue to blur.  I’m doing my part.  For instance, my smart phone has all kinds of voice recognition capabilities, but I refuse to use them.  I can talk through my cell phone, but actually talking to it makes me very uncomfortable, even dirty.  I won’t do it.

I’m also trying to teach my kids the importance of being here and now, rather than always being elsewhere.  Of course this would be easier if hanging out with real people weren’t such a challenge!

Some problems have been around forever.

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Super Bowl Lights

How long before someone makes an argument that the Super Bowl power outage shows the need for greater Federal infrastructure spending? ;-)

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Super Bowl Halftime Show

I don’t think I’m a prude, but was Ms. Knowles dressed appropriately for a family event?  Add the ode to her self-described “bootylicious” body, and I’m thinking that she and the NFL could have made some better choices in staging the halftime show.  And I say that as someone who thinks Knowles is both very beautiful and very talented.  This just wasn’t the moment to dress so scantily.

For what it is worth, my children were focused on the music sounding so fake.

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Polisphiliac David Brooks:

Here’s a way to make money off of other people’s misery. Short house prices in Northern Virginia. Starting with sequestration and then continuing over the next several years, the Defense Department is going to be hammered. All the big defense contractors in Northern Virginia are going to be hit. It’s already happening. I don’t know if you were thinking of buying a McMansion in McLean or not, but I’d hold off for five years.

Would any of you bet your hard-earned money that the government is going to shrink enough in the DC area to significantly impact Northern Virginia housing prices?  I’m skeptical to say the least.  Betting on the long-term (budgetary) health of the state is usually – unfortunately – a winner.

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No, I’m not surprised that the government is heavily involved in the football world too (its tentacles touch everything), making some men rich(er) at the expense of us all.  But this is still worth remembering when you watch the game tonight:

Taxpayers have spent at least $471 million on the Superdome since Hurricane Katrina, allowing a state reeling from the nation’s most-expensive natural disaster to keep its pro sports teams and rebuild a part of downtown destroyed by the 2005 storm. Benson, meanwhile, is worth $1.6 billion, according to the Bloomberg Billionaires Index, after acquiring the National Basketball Association’s New Orleans Hornets, a 26-story office tower that houses state agencies and a mall next to the stadium.

As for the game itself, the Boston Globe notes this: “One X factor is how Kaepernick will respond when one of the Ravens drills him. That should happen at some point. He’s a 6-foot-4-inch ostrich running down the field, and somebody like Bernard Pollard is going to lay him out — 15-yard penalty be damned — to set the tone.”

So might it be possible that we could witness a story of sweet redemption tonight?  Namely, should Pollard knock Kaepernick out of the game, that would force the 49ers to rely on much-maligned QB Alex Smith (who didn’t get his job back after returning from a head injury earlier in the season).

My prediction: 49ers win and cover (34-24)

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Doesn’t it figure that President Obama shoots left-handed?!

8436110735_5ec05750a2_b_preview

I’m really just kidding as I also shoot rifles and shotguns lefty (though pistols right-handed) and few serious people would accuse me of being a man of the left.  Moreover, I think the traditional left-right scale is fairly unhelpful (see here).

But I do find the release of this photo by the White House to be pure propaganda and thus offensive to the democratic spirit.

First, does anyone really expect us to believe that this Harvard-trained, elite, Chicago libgressive is a big shooting enthusiast?  Of course, someone with that profile could be.  However, it is very unlikely.  I can count the number of northern academics and elites who regularly shoot guns on my fingers (hello Marc!).  And none of them are Democrats.  Of course, there is the big Vermont anomaly - but I don’t think Barry would agree with the Green Mountain State’s gun control regime (which is basically this: aim well and point your gun downrange- for now).  More importantly, there is little support for any claim that Obama is a shooter.  That is why this Onion piece works as humor.  Heck, the guy couldn’t even pretend to be a decent bowler!

And this is fine. Just because I like to do something and have the right to do it does not mean that others have to agree with my preferences.  Indeed, I’d be perfectly ok with a President who said, “I don’t care for guns and have little interest in using them for any reason.  Indeed, I think owning a gun is a poor use of one’s freedom.  However, I do think that the Constitution secures the individual right to bear arms, and since I have pledged to support and uphold the Constitution, I will work to protect that right even as I disagree with its exercise.”  This is how I think about many rights that individuals enjoy and often (unfortunately) exercise.  Yet, I don’t believe the President really cares what the Constitution says nor that he should let it get in the way of his policy preferences.

Second, it is probably not chance that Obama is shooting a shotgun in the information operations/propaganda photo since this is how the Dems are trying to triangulate the gun control issue – “We don’t want to stop sportsmen from owning and shooting guns.  But true sportsmen don’t need ’assault weapons.’”  I’d be more convinced of Obama’s credibility on the 2nd Amendment if the WH showed him firing my handgun of choice: the Smith and Wesson M&P 9mm.  But that would hurt the narrative even though the Administration claims it isn’t going after handguns (despite the fact that Marc pointed out earlier that these are the real weapons of choice for those killing others).

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Over at Kids Prefer Cheese, Angus posts an interesting chart that shows a dramatic increase in Chinese coal consumption since 2000:

277xNxchinas-soaring-coal-consumption-poses-climate-challenge_1_jpg_pagespeed_ic_xddsn5yNvwAngus then proceeds to suggest – accurately – that this is big environmental problem that can’t be solved by one of the most commonly discussed panaceas for climate change .  As he argues, “One thing is for sure: a rich world carbon tax is not going to do much, if
anything at all, for the environment. Unlike acid rain, carbon dioxide emission is a global externality, not a local one.”

Now to be fair to Angus, this is a post focused on climate change.  But I’d like to compliment his post by highlighting that this chart also has a good news side (that I’m sure he understands but just isn’t focusing on here).  Namely, all that coal consumption is happening for a reason: Chinese economic activity has shot up and thus China needs a heck of a lot more energy to power that expansion.  This is, of course, great news for the people of China and the world.  Sure, it has the downside of creating more environmental problems for all of us.  But it is a sign of a massive increase in the well-being of hundreds of millions of people.  So two cheers for China’s coal use.

Now, like Angus, I hope that we can figure out a way to help power all of that economic activity with cleaner sources of energy (without squelching growth, ours or theirs).

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I’m sure this is George W. Bush’s fault:

gdp-fourth-quarter-2012-chart-monster

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It’s not all-politics-all-the-time. Today in my “Happiness and the Meaning of Life” class I showed them an episode of Clifford the Big Red Dog. In “Dog for a Day,” Emily Elizabeth’s friend Charlie complains about having to do chores. He notices Clifford playing with his friends Cleo and T-Bone, and it occurs to him that dogs don’t have to do chores, but in fact do nothing besides play and sleep and eat. He wishes he were a dog. That night, he dreams he is a dog. At first, he is delighted! He doesn’t have to do chores! He goes to play with Clifford. At first it’s fun, but Charlie realizes quickly that he can no longer ride his bike, play soccer, talk to his dad or to his friends – even school. In short, he misses all the constitutive elements of a human life. Clifford notes that they get to roll in the sand and dig for bones and chase their tails, but Charlie finds this not entirely satisfying. He realizes, as Aristotle noted long ago, that human happiness is distinct from the happiness of other animals. Each type of thing has a different nature, and so flourishes in a different way. To be sure, the human good is itself pluralistic: Charlie and Emily Elizabeth may have distinctly different modes of flourishing. But the human good is generically different from the canine good. Clifford doesn’t quite get why Charlie isn’t satisfied with dog-pleasures. But Charlie gets it very quickly: despite the necessity of doing homework and chores, the human life consists of all sorts of pleasures that dogs do not appreciate. When Charlie wakes up from his dream, he is happy to discover he is still a person, and runs to find his dad so he can help with chores. His dad is surprised at this turn of events and comments “you don’t seem yourself.” Charlie replies “no Dad: I am myself!” Lesson learned.

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Noon Links

  • Cats kill 1.4-3.7 billion birds and 6.9-20.7 mammals in the U.S. alone every year, according to a study by the Smithsonian Conservation Biology Institute, which makes them “the top threat to US wildlife.” The number of free-ranging cats in the U.S. has increased about 200% since 1970. My previous post on cats and conservation here.
  • Bible Quiz – a new documentary about high school Bible Quizzers in the U.S. It was surreal to see this link come up on BBC News. I participated in the same Bible Quiz program featured in the film. It was an intense experience. We went to National Finals four years; the highest we ever finished was third. Although my views on various theological and religious issues have changed since those days, I look back on them fondly.

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According to an article in space.com – the self-proclaimed “world’s No. 1 source for news of astronomy, skywatching, space exploration, commercial spaceflight and related technologies,” the International Space Station has been a big freaking waste/colossal money pit  yielded little return on the U.S. government’s investment.  The cost?  According to this article (from late 2010): “NASA estimates the station has cost U.S. taxpayers $50 billion since 1994 — and overall, its price tag has been pegged at $100 billion by all member nations.”  I’ve also seen higher estimates.  The benefits?  Few – and with high opportunity cost:

Gregory Petsko, a biochemist at Brandeis University, said the only basic science justification he has ever heard for the station is that protein molecules form superior crystals in the microgravity of space than they do on Earth. Researchers crystallize proteins in order to determine their precise three-dimensional structures, which help biologists understand the functions of those proteins.

The best-case scenario, in terms of return on investment, would be if a space-grown crystal were used to design a blockbuster pharmaceutical drug that worked by precisely targeting one of those proteins, he said.

“I haven’t seen any really important structures yet that absolutely required the space station for crystal growth, and there are a heck of a lot of structures out there,” Petsko told SPACE.com.

Even if the station did lead to important new crystal structures, the cost per structure would be astronomical, Petkso said. “If we assume that two percent of the cost of the space station has gone into this kind of science, that’s a billion dollars with little or nothing to show for it so far.”

For that amount of money, he said, NASA could have funded the work of 1,000 scientists on Earth for five years.

“Do you honestly think that this would have produced fewer important scientific findings than have come out of the space station?” Petsko said.

Not news to those of us highly skeptical of the value of NASA and, particularly, of NASA’s manned space efforts.  But here is NASA’s defense of the benefits of the ISS if you want to see what it is doing from another perspective (underwhelming for the price if you ask me).

If you’d like to literally see your tax dollars at work with your naked eye, sign up for NASA’s “spot the station” service here.  And at least we get beautiful pictures like this one - just at a really high cost!:

Mt Vesuvius

 

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Sanford Levinson’s “The Embarrassing Second Amendment” is a classic law review article that almost certainly helped lay a brick in the road to the critical District of Columbia, et al v. Heller (2008) gun rights decision that held (among other things) that:

The Second Amendment protects an individual right to possess a firearm unconnected with service in a militia, and to use that arm for traditionally lawful purposes, such as self-defense within the home.

Way back in 1989, Levinson wrote this interesting sentence in that Yale Law Review article that should make gun control enthusiasts basing their claims on a consequentialist logic take pause:

If one does accept the plausibility of any of the arguments on behalf of a strong reading of the Second Amendment, but, nevertheless, rejects them in the name of social prudence and the present-day consequences produced by finicky adherence to earlier understandings, why do we not apply such consequentialist criteria to each and every part of the Bill of Rights?

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The 2013 New Hampshire Liberty Forum will be happening in a month. If you want to see about 500 libertarian types overflow the second-largest conference center in the state of New Hampshire, you’ll want to be there. I’m impressed with the speaker lineup this year, which reaches beyond traditional libertarian circles:

  • Tom Woods is a keynote speaker. Popular LVMI-associated historian, bestselling author.
  • Declan McCullagh – now chief political correspondent for CNET, long associated with Wired
  • Jeffrey Albert Tucker – publisher of Laissez Faire Books
  • Thaddeus Russell – history prof & author
  • Steve Cooksey – that paleo guy in NC who was fined by the dietitian licensing board for advocating the paleo diet
  • ESSAM – that NYC artist who punked the NYPD with his anti-drone artwork
  • Julie Borowski – TokenLibertarianGirl
  • Mike Yashko from FEE
  • Aaron Day from the Atlas Society
  • Lots of Bitcoin folks

I would be particularly interested to hear Jody Underwood, a Free Stater who chairs the school board in Croydon, NH. Last year she talked about their efforts to implement school choice at the town level.

Sadly, I won’t be there this year, too busy. (I will be going to the Porcupine Freedom Festival in summer, however.) Here’s the link for more information and registration.

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Politics without Romance

The work of James M. Buchanan, who died two weeks ago, provided a host of important insights into political economy and politics. For those who are unacquainted with the work of Buchanan, there is a brief overview/introduction in the current issue of the Economist. The opening paragraph may whet your interest:

A LIST of things that Americans judge more favourably than Congress, according to Public Policy Polling, a survey firm, includes colonoscopies, root canals, lice and France. America seems to have stumbled from economic crisis to political paralysis. That would have come as little surprise to James Buchanan, a Nobel prize-winning economist and the architect of “public-choice theory”, who died on January 9th, aged 93.

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Today, Barack Obama took the oath of office with his left hand on two bibles—one belonging to Abraham Lincoln, the other to Martin Luther King, Jr.

That image evokes the progress our nation has made in breaking the shackles of slavery and prejudice that have long constrained us from reaching the promise of our founding, what Lincoln, at Gettysburg, referred to as “the proposition that all men are created equal.”

Of course even as we mark the 2nd inaugural of an African-American president, we pay relatively little attention to the thousands of young black men who are killing each other each year on American streets and the millions more Americans who live in constant fear that their street, their home, their child could be the next target.

Though nation-wider murder rates have been on a gradual decline for some time, Chicago is in the midst of a gang war.  There were 506 homicides in the Second City last year (and thousands of shootings), mostly young black and brown men and boys killing each other.  Much of the shooting was gang-related, according to police, though some of the victims were innocent bystanders, including children.

Lee Habeeb wrote this past week on the “war against black men,” with a focus on Chicago.  As he says, “In Chicago, its Newtown every month.”  Habeeb claims that the real reason the daily murders in Chicago receive so little media attention is that the national media are uncomfortable with the root cause of much of the senseless gun violence in America: fatherlessness.  He notes that his hometown of Oxford, Miss. is flush with guns but rarely any murders: “…my town has lots of guns, but lots of fathers, too.”

I think Habeeb makes an important point, though the issue is certainly bigger and more complex than that.  A very large chunk of crime, both among blacks and whites, is due to young men behaving badly.  Social unrest of a variety of types—across cultures—results from young men and boys who lack supervision and constraints on their behavior.  Responsible fathers are an important source of such constraints in any community. Sadly, however, in some inner-city neighborhoods, virtually no one is raised by a father and mother who are married and living together.  In these neighborhoods, marriage is not merely threatened, it is completely dead.  And where marriage is dead, responsible, engaged fatherhood is very hard to come by.

Although it still is not fashionable (and, indeed, risky) to talk about the role that culture plays in these pathological communities (I’ve heard scholars shouted down as racists for arguing that we should be combating the urban street culture in minority communities, as if that were even a contestable goal), there aren’t many serious scholars anymore who don’t recognize the breakdown of the family as a cause of cultural decay.  The data are too overwhelming to claim otherwise.  Yes, economic forces, discrimination, underperforming schools and other factors are also part of the “culture of pathology” that Moynihan warned about a half-century ago, but it is impossible to ignore the crisis of family breakdown that was the central component of that pathology.

As we celebrate this weekend those who have broken down barriers in extending civil rights and opportunities more broadly, we should also remember that some barriers perform valuable social functions, particularly the social norms that constrain behavior, especially among young men.  We have torn down many of those barriers as well.  King rose to prominence in an age where there was still a broad cultural consensus about what constituted appropriate behavior. In the late 1950s, the media, churches, schools, and popular culture were still largely on the same page.  This included the vital area of sexual mores, including the simple and (then) relatively uncontroversial idea that communities are maintained by a certain social order: first comes love, then comes marriage, then comes sex, then comes children.  Individuals have always violated this order (particularly the sex after marriage part) with some frequency, but until the great moral unraveling that was the sixties and seventies, they faced some degree of social disapproval for doing so.  That social order and the disapproval for irresponsibility were essential components of the glue that held norms on marriage and fatherhood in place.

The sexual revolution knocked down those mores with a vengeance.  Some celebrate the increase in personal freedoms, especially for women.  But now we are stuck in a world where many men see little gain from pursuing responsible behavior towards women and children.  Why should they, in a world where unconstrained sexual urges are tolerated and even celebrated and where they face few if any costs for satisfying their sexual desires in any way they please?  Of course this isn’t something unique to any racial group.  But the consequences of knocking down those barriers have been particularly devastating in poor and minority communities. We see its consequences in the death of marriage; we see it in communities bereft of fathers; we see it in young people lying dead on the streets of Chicago.

The left wants to celebrate how Rev. King fought for civil liberties.  I do, too.  But they don’t want to celebrate the strong religious beliefs that animated his passions.  King himself was no paragon of marital fidelity, but I don’t think he ever would have embraced the moral decline that followed in the decades since he was killed.  He said:

It is also midnight within the moral order. At midnight colours lose their distinctiveness and become a sullen shade of grey. Moral principles have lost their distinctiveness. For modern man, absolute right and wrong are a matter of what the majority is doing. Right and wrong are relative to likes and dislikes and the customs of a particular community. We have unconsciously applied Einstein’s theory of relativity, which properly described the physical universe, to the moral and ethical realm.

I’ve known and loved people in some of those tough Chicago neighborhoods.  I’ve seen their goodness and their efforts, but I have also seen the pain in their lives and the sickness and ugliness in their neighborhoods.  We had a young friend in our home many times several years ago.  Like so many of his peers, he was being raised primarily by his mother and grandmother, with no father around.  He was gunned down one day near his house in Englewood.  For me, what I’m talking about is not just academic.  It is personal.

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Economist and Harvard Professor Greg Mankiw isn’t the only one who is thinking about working less in an era of higher marginal taxes.  So are golfers like Phil Mickelson according to a recent story:

“Well, it’s been an interesting off-season, and I’m going to have to make some drastic changes,” said Mickelson, who lives with his wife and three children in Rancho Santa Fe, near San Diego. “And I’m not going to jump the gun and do it right away, but I will be making some drastic changes.”

When asked whether the “drastic changes” meant moving from California to another state or perhaps even country, Mickelson would say only that he was not sure.

“If you add up all the federal and you look at the disability and the unemployment and the Social Security and the state, my tax rate is 62, 63 percent,” Mickelson said. “I’ve got to make some decisions on what I am going to do.” [SNIP]

The subject of Steve Stricker’s decision to play fewer tournaments came up, and Mickelson’s answer was a precursor to his statements here Sunday.

“I think that we’re all going to have our own kind of way of handling things, handling time in our career, our family, handling what’s gone on the last couple of months politically,” Mickelson said. “I think we’re all going to have to find things that work for us. And it’s not surprising at all. It makes perfect sense for a number of reasons, not just the ones that he gave about spending more time at home. I totally get it.”

This is bad news not just for Mickelson, his sponsors, and the PGA, but also for those less-wealthy people who really enjoy seeing golf played at a high level (I’m not one of those people, but many are).  If true, it does bear out Mankiw’s earlier economic reasoning and confirms for the googolplexth time (love the word, Jason!) that people respond to incentives.

Here is what Mankiw controversially (and a bit self-indulgently) argued in the New York Times in 2010:

Now you might not care if I supply less of my services to the marketplace — although, because you are reading this article, you are one of my customers. But I bet there are some high-income taxpayers whose services you enjoy.

Maybe you are looking forward to a particular actor’s next movie or a particular novelist’s next book. Perhaps you wish that your favorite singer would have a concert near where you live. Or, someday, you may need treatment from a highly trained surgeon, or your child may need braces from the local orthodontist. Like me, these individuals respond to incentives. (Indeed, some studies report that high-income taxpayers are particularly responsive to taxes.) As they face higher tax rates, their services will be in shorter supply.

Reasonable people can disagree about whether and how much the government should redistribute income. And, to be sure, the looming budget deficits require hard choices about spending and taxes. But don’t let anyone fool you into thinking that when the government taxes the rich, only the rich bear the burden.

Of course, I’d rather see Lefty (and Mankiw) join the Free State Project and move to a low tax state like New Hampshire rather than play less golf.  But if there is one thing NH doesn’t have that California does is weather conducive to playing a lot of golf!  Plus his family and his life is in California, so exit is not as robust an option.  Still, it is sad that the government consistently forces people to make trade-offs that make us generally worse off.

Live free or produce less wealth!

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The U.S. Supreme Court in District of Columbia v. Heller (2008):

Some have made the argument, bordering on the frivolous, that only those arms in existence in the 18th century are protected by the Second Amendment. We do not interpret constitutional rights that way. Just as the First Amendment protects modern forms of communications, e.g.. Reno v. American Civil Liberties Union, 521 U.S. 844 (1997), and the Fourth Amendment applies to modern forms of search, e.g., Kyllo v. United States, 533 U.S. 27,35–36 (2001), the Second Amendment extends, prima facie, to all instruments that constitute bearable arms, even those that were not in existence at the time of the founding.

And yet the Court also said this in the same decision:

We therefore read Miller to say only that the Second Amendment does not protect those weapons not typically possessed by law-abiding citizens for lawful purposes, such as short-barreled shotguns.  That accords with the historical understanding of the scope of the right, see Part III, infra.   

But doesn’t this, as the Court suggests later in the opinion, limit “the degree of fit between the prefatory clause and the protected right”?  And more importantly, isn’t the right to bear arms about something broader than merely being prepared for militia service and able to perform self-defense defined as protection of the home and self from other citizens?

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This is one of my favorite Pileus pieces and its seems like a good time to put it back up on the blog in full:

A Word of Thanks to Four Black Men and A Gun

July 15, 2010 by Marcus Cole

As an American, I owe a tremendous debt of gratitude to many, many people who have risked and given their lives to defend our liberty. But as I reflect on the recent Supreme Court decision in McDonald v. City of Chicago, I thought I should take a moment to mention four Americans who have made a relatively uncelebrated contribution to the freedom I cherish and enjoy. I owe a special debt to four black men, and one gun.

The most important of these men, to me, was my father. When I was a boy, he and my mother moved our family of six from the Terrace Village public housing projects in Pittsburgh’s Hill District to a predominantly white neighborhood. While many of our neighbors welcomed us, we were not welcomed by all. I recall a brick through the front window, and other incidents. But burned into my memory is the Sunday evening when my father was beaten with a tire iron on the street in front of our home, and in front of us, his four little children. Those three young white men were never caught.

When my father, with his surgically reconstructed eye socket and jaw, was released from the hospital, he did something he never once considered when we lived in the projects. He bought a gun.

Every evening after that, before going to bed, I and my siblings would go out onto the front porch to say goodnight to my father as he sat in his chair, shotgun across his lap, with its black barrel glistening under the porch light. I never once felt unsafe. I never once had trouble sleeping. My sense of security did not come from the Pittsburgh Police, or from the law. My sense of security came from my father, and his gun.

There were no more incidents, at least not any that I can recall, after my father exercised his Second Amendment right. It was his contribution to “non-violence” in our neighborhood.

Just like the millions of children of our nation’s police officers, we were instructed to never touch my father’s gun. And like those millions of children, we did not touch it. My father believed that it was his first responsibility to protect his family, and that it was reasonable for him to avail himself of a firearm to do so. But so many black men before him have been denied this basic right, and it is important to thank the other black men who have made important contributions in preserving it.

Foremost among these, in my mind, is Frederick Douglass. The self-educated runaway slave turned abolitionist newspaper editor and orator, Douglass was alarmed at the unaddressed violence unleashed on black people in the wake of the Civil War. As Douglass pointed out in his autobiography, black Americans could not count on the government to protect them; they had to defend themselves against the rash of lynchings committed by the Ku Klux Klan and even state and local authorities. Citizenship, according to Douglass, rested upon three boxes: “the ballot box, the jury box, and the cartridge box.”

As Tim Sandefur of the Pacific Legal Foundation recently pointed out, Douglass was wise to realize that black Americans needed to rely on themselves for their own safety and security. Douglass argued that the post-Civil War Amendments, the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth, were written to protect the freed slaves from a backlash by the Southern states. The 14th Amendment’s Privileges or Immunities Clause says that: “No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States.” Douglass urged the federal government to enforce the Constitution as written, to secure for black Americans, indeed for all Americans, the “privileges or immunities” of full citizenship.

Douglass’s plea fell on deaf ears. In 1873, the Fourteenth Amendment’s “privileges or immunities” clause was gutted in The Slaughterhouse Cases, where the Supreme Court upheld the State of Louisiana’s decision to close down butchers competing with a politically-well-connected private monopoly. The Court ruled that this clause only protected rights of national scope, such as the right to access foreign embassies or the right to protection while traveling the high seas. This was, as Georgetown Law Professor Randy Barnett recently noted, “a preposterous interpretation — these were hardly the rights congressional Republicans in the aftermath of the Civil War were most concerned to protect in the wake of the terrible abuses of free blacks and white unionists by Southern states.”

Nevertheless, the “privileges or immunities” clause was dead. Moribund, as the constitutional law scholars like to put it. It has been dead for one hundred and thirty two years.

But the “privileges or immunities” clause is still there in the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, still in the actual document. A handful of scholars have kept up the fight to get these words noticed again. These scholars are not ones you will have heard of, especially if you have a law degree from a top law school. Most of these scholars toil away in think tanks, since the doors of many law schools have been shut to them. In fact, if you have attended a top law school, your first reaction is likely to have been, “don’t you mean ‘privileges and immunities’ clause?” While you may have been exposed to the “privileges and immunities” clause of Article IV, your con law professor is unlikely to have mentioned the “privileges or immunities” clause of the 14th Amendment.

This reaction is understandable, because constitutional law scholarship in most law schools has become a closed, insular conversation among both liberal and conservative law professors who have, in their own ways, become completely at ease with the sweeping scope of government power in a world devoid of the “privileges or immunities” clause. Liberals dislike the “privileges or immunities” clause for fear that it might legitimate the kinds of unenumerated rights they hold in contempt, like the rights to property and freedom of contract. It is not a coincidence that these are precisely the rights that the Reconstruction Congress sought to protect with the Civil Rights Act of 1866. Likewise, conservatives, including the plurality in McDonald, are uncomfortable with the “privileges or immunities” clause because it legitimates unenumerated rights, like the right to privacy recognized in Griswold v. Connecticut and Roe v. Wade. Justice Alito demonstrated his discomfort with economic liberty too, when he asked in oral argument whether the “privileges or immunities” clause included the right to contract, clearly hoping that the answer was “no.”

The top constitutional law scholars were completely caught off guard when a third black man, Justice Clarence Thomas, reinvigorated the “privileges or immunities” of citizenship in McDonald v. City of Chicago two weeks ago. In McDonald, the court struck down a Chicago ordinance banning handguns. Justice Thomas had been reading the scholarship on the “privileges or immunities” clause over the last several decades. He read it and understood it. And while this scholarship did not matter in the opinion of many of our nation’s top constitutional law professors, it did matter in an opinion that, itself, matters a lot.

In his concurrence to the four other justices in the 5-4 majority, Justice Thomas refused to stretch the 14th amendment’s “due process” clause to guard the right to bear arms. Instead, he bravely read the constitution the way it was written, with little regard for how his opinion would be attacked from both the left and the right. His opinion acknowledged that the right to bear arms was clearly one contemplated by the framers of the “privileges or immunities” clause. Justice Thomas stood with Fredrick Douglass, and stood up for a black man trying to protect himself and his family in a city where the police admittedly cannot.

Otis McDonald is that black man, the fourth to whom I owe so much. As I attempt to raise my two sons to be strong, confident and secure Christian men, I am grateful that this 76-year-old grandfather fought for my right to protect them from those who might try to do them harm.

I purchased a gun several years ago, when I became concerned for the safety of my young family after receiving a verbal racial assault in our 21st century Northern California neighborhood. Perhaps I am the only Stanford Law professor who owns guns, including the one that once graced my father’s lap on that porch forty years ago. As an American, I am grateful for that gun. I am also grateful for the four black men who have made it possible for my sons to sleep at night, secure in the knowledge that I, and it, will do what is necessary to protect them.

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James Otteson in the comments on Jason’s recent post on libertarianism and libertinism:

Is it possible to be a “libertarian conservative”? Even a “conservative anarchist”? Whatever the answer to those questions is, it seems to me that this entire blog is premised on the idea that one can endorse a roughly libertarian political position, while, at the same time, upholding a conception of a virtuous life—understood, at least in part, as entailing limits on one’s own liberty—as what one should strive to achieve.

Indeed, it is premised on that idea.  And unfortunately, too many libertarian elites – as we’ve noted here many times before – seem to think libertarianism implies a theory of the whole (or at least a broader theory) rather than just a political theory with thin – but critical – ethical content. 

Well said, my friend.

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Nothing to Work For

Richard Vedder has an op-ed in the WSJ today discussing the costs to American productivity that having fewer people working is having. The cost is substantial: According to Vedder, whereas from the 17th century through the 20th American wealth averaged a robust 3.5% annual growth, during the first twelve years of the 21st century it has averaged only 1.8%. 

Vedder lists several causes for the slowdown, including primarily increasing government benefits. More and more people are availing themselves of payments from the government for food, for being unemployed, for disabilities, for going to college. All of these things either lure people out of the workforce or subsidize them for staying out of it. That means fewer people engaging in productive labor, which means slowing wealth production. 

There are any number of thresholds a civilization might cross before it reaches the point of no return, but if the European experience for the last several decades is an indicator, having nothing to work for is a big one. And that is what these programs amount to: a slow but inexorable removal of all the reasons one might have to work. 

Imagine you were an average young person in America today, coming out of, let’s say, high school. What do you see before you? A lot of pointlessness. Consider: So far in your short life you have enjoyed an enormously, indeed historically unprecedentedly, high standard of living. You have hours and hours per day of leisure time (that includes many of the hours you spend “studying” in school). What did you do to earn or deserve this? Nothing—you showed up. And if you ask for anything, you’ll probably get it. 

Consider also that the dominant theme in American politics recently has been that there is something wrong or suspicious about earning money. If the rich need to pay their fair share, it means that either they haven’t done so already or they need to make reparations for something they did that was wrong. And many young people think that one becomes rich not by producing benefits or services that improve other people’s lives but by cheating somehow. So rich people don’t deserve what they have. (Of course, our system of quasi-capitalism, which increasingly rewards people on political rather than on economic grounds, increasingly gives reason for such suspicions.)

And consider further that all the material comforts for which people in previous times would have had to work are now increasingly provided for one without any effort on one’s own part—food, shelter, education, and health care chief among them. 

So: The game is rigged, you can’t keep most of what you earn, you can get paid for doing nothing, and many of the creature comforts of contemporary life are available to you whether you work for them or not. 

William Graham Sumner’s famous 1883 essay “The Forgotten Man” claims that when politicians and reformers decide they need to help some downtrodden or underprivileged segment of the population, they inevitably do so by taking money from the honest, hardworking, pays-his-debts person who otherwise just wants to make a better life for himself and his family. This “forgotten man” often ends up being punished for his “bourgeois virtues.”

But another theme in Sumner’s essay is that as the programs to help the downtrodden expand, the more likely it is that this forgotten man—on whom these programs depend—will start to feel like a sucker. He will feel exploited, taken advantage of by an unholy alliance of do-gooders and free riders. 

I think many young people today see their futures in America the way Sumner’s forgotten man would after some crucial thresholds have been passed. What point is there, really, in working hard? Working hard is, after all, hard. Is there really a reward in it that matters to me—that appeals to me viscerally? If we add into this person’s vision of the future the doomsday scenarios about our national debt, and how it is all going to come crashing down like a fiscal house of cards sometime soon anyway, what, really, would be the point?

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Pileus is pleased to announce that Prof. Aeon J. Skoble will be guest blogging here January 28 through February 1.  I’m looking forward to hearing his thoughts on a range of subjects, including classical liberalism, ethics, and popular culture.  Here is a brief bio:     

Skoble with this book Deleting the StateAeon J. Skoble is Professor of Philosophy and Chairman of the Philosophy Department at Bridgewater State University in Massachusetts.  He is the co-editor of Political Philosophy: Essential Selections (Prentice-Hall, 1999) and Reality, Reason, and Rights (Lexington Books, 2011), the editor of Reading Rasmussen and Den Uyl: Critical Essays on Norms of Liberty (Lexington Books, 2008), and the author of Deleting the State: An Argument about Government (Open Court, 2008) as well as many essays on moral and political philosophy for both scholarly and popular journals.  His main research includes theories of rights, the nature and justification of authority, and virtue ethics.  In addition, he writes widely on the intersection of philosophy and popular culture, including such subjects as Seinfeld, The Lord of the Rings, superheroes, film noir, Hitchcock, Scorsese, science fiction, westerns, and baseball, and is co-editor of Woody Allen and Philosophy (Open Court 2004), The Philosophy of TV Noir (University Press of Kentucky 2008), and the best-selling The Simpsons and Philosophy (Open Court, 2000).

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Timing Your AR-15 Purchase

Like many law-abiding gun owners who might want to purchase an AR-15 or some other firearm that looks like an “assault weapon” to Diane Feinstein, I thought for a moment after Sandy Hook about legally buying this weapon while I still had a chance:

SW_CatList_MPTactical

I had meant to purchase one in the summer of 2011 but didn’t get around to it (especially after I added a Thompson to the family gun rack).  I certainly regret my failure.

But is it now a good time to buy one?

Much depends on what you think Washington will do following the terrible events at Sandy Hook.  A heck of a lot of people with my gun and policy preferences worry that Washington is about to ban such weapons (or at least the 30 round mags) or don’t want to take the chance it might.  This is borne out by what happened in December according to a recent story by CNBC:

December set a record for the criminal background checks performed before many gun purchases, a strong indication of a big increase in sales, according to an analysis of federal data by the National Shooting Sports Foundation, a gun industry trade group. Adjusting the federal data to try to weed out background checks that were unrelated to firearms sales, the group reported that 2.2 million background checks were performed last month, an increase of 58.6 percent over the same period in 2011. Some gun dealers said in interviews that they had never seen such demand.

Anecdotal reports elsewhere support this story.

However, I think these nervous folks – many of whom are probably paying top dollar – are probably overreacting.  Limits on magazines may be coming.  But I think that it is quite unlikely that a so-called assault weapons ban is going to make it through Congress.  A recent article in Slate suggests people on the other side of the gun control debate agree with me, noting: “Based on conversations with administration officials and gun control activists, few think that an assault weapons ban is possible, though the president will push for one.”

If my guess and those interviewed for the Slate report are right, no need to rush the sale unless you can’t sleep at night thinking there is a chance you won’t ever have the legal ability to buy one of these weapons.  And I’m putting my figurative money where my mouth is, committing (ceteris paribus) to wait until at least the summer to make my AR-15 purchase.  I’ll kick myself if I can’t get a 30 round mag for it, but I’m willing to bet on the power of the gun lobby and the fear it evokes on the Hill (especially since gun rights advocates are more likely to base their vote on the issue than opponents).  Moreover, Obama and Congress have a few (trillion) other problems coming up soon that will push Sandy Hook off the front page.  Plus stories like this are going to compete for the dominant narrative despite the MSM giving comparatively little attention to these incidents (something noted on Fox today):

Donnie and Melinda Herman own two guns for protection at home, but until two weeks ago, she had never fired a gun. Her husband told sheriff’s department investigator’s that he took her shooting so that she’d be familiar with the family’s guns if she ever had to use one.

Now, clutching the .38 revolver, Melinda Herman was in the middle of a heart-pounding crisis inside her own home.

She had already locked multiple doors before she and her children took refuge in an adjacent-room attic — the kind with a small door that you have to bend down to go through.

The intruder had used the crowbar to break through the front door and then two other doors upstairs, and she could hear him coming closer and closer.

On the phone, Donnie Herman calmly instructed his wife about the use of the weapon she had practiced on.

“Remember everything I showed you. Everything I taught you,” he told her, and he reassured her that help was on the way.

Then it happened.

“She shot him. She’s shooting him. She’s shooting him. She’s shooting him. She’s shooting him. … Shoot him again! Shoot him!” Donnie Herman said as the 911 dispatcher listened.

He then lost phone contact with his wife and children. His anguish and the pain of not knowing what had happened may be etched in his mind for eternity. But they were safe.

He learned later that his wife fired all six shots, and hit the intruder with all but one bullet.

Not realizing she was out of ammunition, she ordered the man to stay on the floor as he bled. She then fled the house with her children.

Walton County Sheriff Joe Chapman — whose office responded to the shooting at the Hermans’ home — said he believes the mother and her two children were in a life-and-death situation and she had no choice but to exercise her constitutional right to self-defense.

“Had it not turned out the way that it did, I would possibly be working a triple homicide, not having a clue as to who it is we’re looking for,” he told CNN.

Despite being shot five times, the suspect, identified as Paul Ali Slater, still managed to get back into his SUV, but he drove off the road and crashed a short distance away.

He remains hospitalized. Due to privacy laws, the hospital cannot divulge any information on his condition.

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